Being Right

Last February the US House of Representatives passed the Equality Bill. If it gets through the Senate, it will simply be one of the most devastating laws ever passed by any country in history.

Ostensibly, the Bill seeks to 鈥減rohibit discrimination on the basis of sex, gender identity, and sexual orientation, and for other purposes.鈥 Yet, behind that seemingly harmless preamble is disguised a ruthless push to ban every thought or speech, including the right to religious beliefs, that opposes the leftist liberal dogma of gender fluidity and sexual orientation.

For the Equality Bill seeks to redefine sex as unanchored from biology, and that anywhere outside one鈥檚 home 鈥 regardless if it鈥檚 a school or church 鈥 would be a 鈥渟afe space鈥 for liberal ideology.

Thus, 鈥渁ny Catholic Youth Organization sporting event is a place of recreation and exercise. Every Christmas nativity scene is a public display. Every pregnancy counseling center is a service or program. Every diocesan-sponsored women鈥檚 shelter and food bank is, well, a shelter and foodbank. If a church, mosque, synagogue 鈥 or any affiliated school, recreation center, or food pantry 鈥 provides any of these programs or services, it will be compelled to allow biological men, for example, to use the women鈥檚 restroom. Sports teams would be compelled to allow boys to use the girls鈥 locker room. Shelters for abused and battered women would be forced to admit males. And of course, girls would be forced to compete against boys in sporting events. The bill expressly denies any religion-based objection.鈥 (Kenneth Craycraft, 鈥淭he Equality Act鈥檚 Assault on Religious Liberty,鈥 February 2021).

But the Philippines has not been exempt from that absurdity. In fact, we pioneered it with the enactment of Republic Act 11313 (the 鈥淪afe Spaces Act鈥).

Section 3.d thereof defines 鈥済ender鈥 as 鈥渁 set of socially ascribed characteristics, norms, roles, attitudes, values and expectations identifying the social behavior of men and women, and the relations between them.鈥 Sec. 3.f further compounds this: 鈥済ender identity鈥 refers to the personal sense of identity as characterized, among others, by manner of clothing, inclinations, and behavior in relation to masculine or feminine conventions. A person may have a male or female identity with physiological characteristics of the opposite sex, in which case this person is considered transgender.鈥 This departs from long standing Philippine historical, legislative, and even judicial understanding of gender being intrinsically connected to one鈥檚 sex.

And effectively renders the 鈥渕ale鈥 and 鈥渇emale鈥 categorization as utterly meaningless. What our Congress did was to elevate and recognize something subjective, created purely in the mind of any random individual, contrary to centuries of Philippine social, cultural, religious, and official norms, and then imposed criminal liability on the basis of that subjectivity.

The Safe Spaces Act potentially threatens every employer, teacher, or any person in authority that does not subscribe to the idea of gender fluidity and transgenderism with fines or imprisonment. No exemption is made for religious beliefs, academic freedom, and even the military or police.

The current draft of the Anti-Discrimination Act (which reportedly passed third reading) removed 鈥 quite gratifyingly and correctly 鈥 references to 鈥済ender identity and sexual orientation.鈥 Unfortunately, its definition of 鈥済ender鈥 perpetuates the detached from biology definition in the Safe Spaces Act.

And quite disturbingly, there is still the Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity bill (ironically pending with the House Committee on Women). Tellingly, one of its fundamental premises is a lie: that SOGI 鈥渞ights鈥 are provided for and obligated under international law. In truth no international law recognizes SOGI 鈥渞ights.鈥

What international law does is recognize the rights of every human individual, which is what鈥檚 also embodied in our Constitution. To argue that international human rights laws are 鈥sui generis,鈥 for which everything uttered under its name should be granted, is nonsensical.

To paraphrase Cardinal John Henry Newman: we have human rights because we have responsibilities. Our rights exist as the flipside to our duties as human beings. Without that anchor, then everything, from cash dole-outs to Netflix access, can be labeled a human right.

The tragic disrespect many governments now have for rights can be blamed squarely on this. Ironically but foreseeably, liberal progressive activism simply made human rights utterly incoherent and of diminished value.

And discriminatory as well. With most of that discrimination against biological females.

For all of the Equality Bill鈥檚 31 pages supposedly battling discrimination and despite mentioning 鈥渓esbians, gays, bisexuals, transgenders, and queers,鈥 not once do the words 鈥渇emale鈥 or 鈥渕other鈥 appear. 鈥淲omen鈥 is mentioned but under that Bill gender is 鈥渇luid鈥 anyway.

The Safe Spaces Act does mention 鈥渇emale鈥 but only in the context of 鈥済ender identity.鈥 The Anti-Discrimination Bill also makes no mention of 鈥渇emale鈥 and, quite tellingly, leaves out mention of academic freedom. A university professor speaking out against 鈥済ender science鈥 is left with little protection.

All for what?

Our legislators are essentially sacrificing decades of women鈥檚 fight for equality at the altar of the LGBT lobby.

 

Jemy Gatdula is a Senior Fellow of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations and a Philippine Judicial Academy law lecturer for constitutional philosophy and jurisprudence.

Twitter @jemygatdula